A Belgian bitcoin investor, Olivier Janssen, plans to roll out a multi-billion-dollar project on the southern coast of Nevis in the spirit of a libertarian “private colony.” The initiative, called Destiny, is the first submission filed under the new St. Kitts and Nevis law creating Special Sustainability Zones (SSZ). The proposal has already sparked sharp controversy within the federation and reignited a long-running dispute over how authority is divided between Nevis’ local administration and the federal government.
Janssen obtained citizenship of St. Kitts and Nevis through the citizenship by investment (CBI) program and now intends to buy roughly 2,400 acres of private land in southern Nevis—about one-tenth of the island. His company, South Nevis Ltd., hired Skidmore, Owings & Merrill to develop a concept it promotes as “Monaco–Dubai of the Caribbean”: luxury villas, medical clinics, and technology infrastructure operating through its own dispute-resolution mechanisms.
At the heart of the conflict is the overlap of constitutional powers, the impact of reduced CBI inflows, and a wider global trend: investors who have built wealth in the crypto industry are increasingly looking for semi-autonomous enclaves in smaller jurisdictions.
On March 9, Janssen circulated an offer to his mailing list—one that opposition politicians quickly branded as an attempt to bribe. The proposal is that every Nevis resident, including children, would receive US$100 per month after the federal government approves the Destiny development agreement. For a family of four, that would amount to US$4,800 per year.
As described in the reporting, the figure represents a noticeable tightening of the terms: in November 2025, Janssen had previously offered 30 Eastern Caribbean dollars—about US$11—per person. The original plan included a 5% share of profits for island residents, but Janssen said he wants to speed up payments because “meaningful profit-sharing could take time as the project grows.”
Former Nevis Reformation Party (NRP) opposition minister Carlisle Powell called the initiative “all the levers” designed to influence authorities into backing the project. NRP member Kelvin Daley went further, describing it as “buying influence”—an effort by a private developer to interfere in the country’s socio-economic and political affairs.
Janssen did not respond to a request for comment from the Financial Times.
Nevis Prime Minister Mark Brantley is the main supporter of Destiny. He signed a development agreement with South Nevis Ltd. and then submitted the document for review at the federal level. Under the federation’s constitutional setup, Nevis handles internal matters through its own institutions (the administration, the prime minister, and the legislature), while immigration, courts, law enforcement, and federal legislation fall under Basseterre.
Additional tension comes from disagreement over timelines. Brantley says the project was submitted on December 23, 2025, while the Prime Minister’s Office of Terrence Drew states that the cabinet received the application only on January 29, 2026. The question of why there is a five-week gap remains unexplained.
Prime Minister Drew refused to “rush” the process. In an official statement dated March 10, he stressed that the federal government does not have overarching authority over development in Nevis under Articles 106 and 119 of the Constitution. Still, he noted that matters related to immigration, the courts, and sovereignty fall under federal jurisdiction.
On The Roundtable, Drew said: “An investor—or anyone else—cannot dictate and set timelines. Timelines are determined through a thoughtful and considered process.”
In February, federal authorities launched two parallel review tracks. The Independent Oversight Body (IOB) held its first meeting on February 20, using Section 9 of the SSZ Authorization Act to carry out a structured evidence-based assessment of the Destiny application. At the same time, Drew—having created it in January—has an Ad Hoc Advisory Committee reviewing the SSZ legislative framework itself. Its recommendations could lead to amendments to the SSZ Authorization Act, and, according to Drew, the first reading of the changes is expected “soon.”
Brantley also publicly voiced concern about delays. In late February, he said the project should not “die due to inaction in Basseterre.” He added that Destiny had attracted interest from more than 1,500 Nevis residents who want jobs through the development.
In public materials, Destiny is often described as a libertarian “city of the future.” But for the federation’s economy, the investment-driven migration dimension may be the key. According to the Saint Kitts Nevis Observer, Janssen initially presented Destiny as a standard development project. Then both sides saw the potential for an influx of 7,000–10,000 property buyers and tried to channel that stream through the CBI system.
The logic also appears in the drafting of SSZ legislation. During the Budget Debate 2026 (December), MP Eric Evelyn cited falling CBI-related revenues as one reason for adopting SSZ: “We need to find creative ways to bring additional income into the country.”
Prime Minister Brantley confirmed that all foreign property buyers in Destiny must pay CBI fees under the St. Kitts and Nevis program—even if they do not intend to obtain citizenship. The minimum investment threshold is currently US$325,000 for condominium units and shares in development projects. Moreover, even after receiving citizenship, a person will not be able to vote, because they “will live in a special enclave with special rules applicable to them.”
The federation is also trying to improve CBI’s international reputation. A long-standing FinCEN advisory was previously rescinded, and further steps are reportedly planned, including more “substantive” residency requirements. Still, using Destiny as a conduit for thousands of buyers will be a serious test for the system’s due diligence.
International tax and immigration expert David Lesperance of Lesperance & Associates cautions potential investors not to treat approval as inevitable. He argues that the appeal of living in a community of “like-minded people” should not be the reason to buy if the proposed plans for Nevis and the federal authorities may ultimately be rejected. In his view, history is full of similar projects that “ran aground” because states protect their own authority.
Foreign media often portray Destiny as a unique development initiative. But an investigation by Foreign Policy In Focus (FPIF) dated March 13, based on data from the Isle of Man company registry, complicates the picture.
Documents point to Free Society Limited, which is listed as secretary and co-secretary of Destiny International Limited—a corporate structure associated with the Nevis project. Janssen serves as a director of Destiny International, and both companies are registered at the same address.
In a June 2025 filing, Janssen is named as the sole shareholder of Free Society. The company’s stated purpose is also described: “research into models of decentralized governance for free private cities for the shareholder.”
Free Society is not a brand-new story. In 2017, Janssen—together with crypto entrepreneur Roger Ver (known as “Bitcoin Jesus”)—launched a project with the stated goal of acquiring sovereign land to build a libertarian private city.
Ver previously renounced his U.S. citizenship after obtaining St. Kitts and Nevis citizenship via the CBI program. He now faces federal charges in the U.S. related to tax fraud and is contesting extradition from Spain.
Local Nevis media have raised questions about whether Ver has a financial stake in Destiny, but no direct confirmation has surfaced, and Janssen has not commented publicly on any connection.
The opposition also flags a potential conflict of interest: Sharon Brantley (the wife of Prime Minister Mark Brantley) works as a realtor who helps Janssen with purchasing land for the project.
If the federal cabinet decides to move forward with the proposed Development Agreement after the IOB report, the road to a final decision cannot be described as fast. Under the SSZ Authorization Act, approval requires ratification at two levels: the Nevis Assembly and the National Assembly—through separate pieces of legislation.
The process includes publishing draft bills in advance so the public can review the terms before parliamentary debate. In addition, Drew’s planned amendments to the SSZ Act itself could change the framework before Destiny even reaches the stage of legislative consideration—though the scope of those changes has not been disclosed yet.
Regardless of the outcome, Destiny has already forced a conversation about the boundary between foreign investment and sovereignty in small Caribbean states. It has also highlighted friction between Nevis’ desire for economic autonomy and Basseterre’s role as a “constitutional gateway”—a conflict that has long been visible in disputes over how CBI proceeds are shared between islands.
The project fits a growing international trend, from Próspera in Honduras to “freedom cities” being discussed in the United States. Investors with crypto capital and libertarian theorists are seeking semi-autonomous zones with private governance mechanisms—often in developing countries willing to experiment with legal frameworks that more affluent states are less likely to pursue.
Whether this model can coexist with the sovereign interests of an island of about 13,200 people remains an open question—and its evolution will be closely watched.
If you’re considering citizenship by investment and want to understand in advance how investment initiatives and new regulatory frameworks (such as SSZ) may affect the legal landscape, it’s crucial to move with expert guidance. At Digital Nomad, we help assess risks and build a clear strategy for CBI programs—so your plan for St Kitts and Nevis (or other jurisdictions) is calculated before you apply. Get started here: https://digital-nomad.gr/en/goldenvisa.
Our Telegram channel about various types of Greek residence permits, digital nomad programs, and the Greek Golden Visa: @digitalnomadgr